this post was submitted on 21 Aug 2026
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In January 2023, Mehmet Tohti, a Uyghur Canadian activist, answered a call that appeared to come from Hong Kong. Tohti, executive director of the Uyghur Rights Advocacy Project, later told Canada’s Foreign Interference Commission that Chinese police had placed a relative on the line to tell him that his mother and two sisters were dead. He eventually learned that his 76-year-old mother had died in a detention camp. The timing, he said, carried an unmistakable warning: her death was “the cost you have to pay if you continue to advocate.” The call came days before the Canadian Parliament debated a plan to resettle 10,000 Uyghurs and other Turkic Muslims.

On February 1, 2023, the House of Commons unanimously adopted Motion M-62, calling on Canada to resettle 10,000 Uyghurs and other Turkic Muslims in need of protection. Yet, three years later, as of March 2026, fewer than 300 have actually arrived. At this pace, Canada is nowhere near on track to fulfill its commitment, which is scheduled to conclude at the end of 2026.

...

Although Canada has recognized that Chinese repression tactics cross international borders, it has not built an equally effective system of protection. Sanctuary cannot mean admission alone; it must include both a timely route to Canada and the freedom and protection of Uyghurs’ free speech once they arrive.

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The resettlement process is not simple. Applicants generally need a referral from the UN refugee agency, a designated organization, or a private sponsor, and must pass medical, criminal, and security checks before travelling to Canada. Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) claims operational details must sometimes remain confidential to protect applicants, staff, and referral partners. Those are legitimate constraints, particularly when documentation is difficult to obtain, and third-country host governments may not cooperate.

However, the confidentiality issue does not explain the scale of the Canadian government’s shortfall. By September 2025, more than 140 people had arrived in Canada, while over 740 applications were still being processed. In March 2026, a senior departmental official reported that fewer than 300 people had reached Canada — less than three per cent of Parliament’s target of 10,000.

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Moreover, arrival in Canada does not necessarily place Uyghurs beyond Beijing’s reach. Transnational repression occurs when a government tries to monitor, threaten, or silence people outside its territory. Uyghur Canadians who spoke to the Foreign Interference Commission described threatening calls, hacked devices, surveillance at protests, online harassment, and pressure directed at relatives in China. One participant also reported physical and verbal assaults while protesting outside Chinese consular buildings. Threats against family members are especially effective because they turn ordinary communication into a source of danger.

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Ottawa cannot reliably prevent reprisals against relatives inside China, but it can improve support for people targeted within Canada. A single multilingual portal and hotline should allow victims to report suspicious calls, digital intrusions, and protest monitoring without first deciding whether a case belongs with police, CSIS, or another agency. A trained coordinator could refer victims to law enforcement, cybersecurity specialists, legal aid, or trauma-informed counselling and explain what follow-up is possible. Agencies should proactively brief at-risk communities rather than waiting for victims to navigate several institutions on their own. IRCC should also issue regular aggregate updates on M-62 applications, approvals, and arrivals while withholding identifying and operational details. These measures would connect two policy areas that Ottawa treats separately: refugee resettlement and protection from foreign interference.

Canada’s promise to Uyghurs will remain largely symbolic if those in danger cannot arrive and those who do arrive cannot enjoy the liberties of free speech, press, and association. Meaningful sanctuary requires both a route to safety and protection from the government that made refuge necessary.

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[–] Scotty@scribe.disroot.org 0 points 3 weeks ago (1 children)

Sure, they also have the wrong government. There's no difference between Benjamin Netanyahu's genocidal policy against Palestinians and Xi Jinping's genocidal policy against Uyghurs, Tibetans, and other minorities.

Do you agree?

[–] supersquirrel@lemmy.ca 0 points 3 weeks ago (1 children)

I think this is continually brought up as a way to distract from the fact that the US and Canada are DIRECTLY complicit in the Palestinian Genocide whereas the situation you are talking about is under the the umbrella of another empire.

[–] Scotty@scribe.disroot.org -1 points 3 weeks ago (1 children)

There’s no difference between Benjamin Netanyahu’s genocidal policy against Palestinians and Xi Jinping’s genocidal policy against Uyghurs, Tibetans, and other minorities.

Do you agree?

[–] supersquirrel@lemmy.ca 0 points 3 weeks ago* (last edited 3 weeks ago) (1 children)

Do you not agree that Canada is far more directly complicit in the Palestinian Genocide and thus has far more agency and leverage to stop it than it does to influence what China is doing?

[–] Scotty@scribe.disroot.org 2 points 3 weeks ago (1 children)
[–] supersquirrel@lemmy.ca 0 points 3 weeks ago (1 children)
[–] Scotty@scribe.disroot.org 0 points 3 weeks ago (1 children)

You are a hypocritical Chinese propagandist (as can also be seen from you post history). That's really a shame and a waste of time.

[–] supersquirrel@lemmy.ca 1 points 3 weeks ago

Looking at your post history, it is clear you are obsessed with China to an unhealthy degree.